Trudeau & Vallières: A Socialist Soap-Opera?

Category:  Historical Reprints.
SourceStraight Talk! The Official Bulletin Of The Edmund Burke Society.
Editor:  Joseph A. Genovese
Associate Editors:  F. Paul Fromm, D. Clarke Andrews
Volume II Number 2, November 1969

What is The Edmund Burke Society?  The E.B.S. is a conservative organization unaffiliated with any political party.  We are dedicated to the principles of individual freedom and responsibility, free enterprise, and firm ACTION against all tyrannies, especially Communism and all its manifestations in Canada and abroad.  The E.B.S. is financed mainly through small donations from generous Canadians.  Straight Talk! is produced by voluntary labour.

Trudeau & Vallières:
A Socialist Soap-Opera?

October 1969 proved to be a trying month for Prime Minister Pierre-Elliott Trudeau (“a herd of anes savants to file in when the division bell rang”), largely because of two major embarrassments.  The first was having a subpoena served upon him to appear as a character witness in the hearing of a petition for bail for Pierre Vallières in Montreal, along with his Secretary of State, the suave Gérard Pelletier (“any suspicion of witch-hunting or McCarthyism will be dealt with immediately”).

The second major headache for the Lord Protector of the Realm was the charge leveled by the Chairman of Montreal’s Executive Committee, Lucien Saulnier, that the federal Company of Young Canadians was engaged in “subversive activities” and that “Federal Government funds were supporting a Communist campaign to overthrow Canada” (Cf. TELEGRAM, Oct. 14, 1969).

In this charge, Mr. Saulnier was to be seconded by dozens of municipal administrations in la Belle Province, and it was to receive dramatic amplification from T.R. Anthony Malcolm, Vice-President of the Quebec Section of the Liberal Federation of Canada and Co-Chairman of the anti-secessionist Canada Committee, when he told a flabbergasted meeting of the Town of Mount Royal Women’s Club (Trudeau’s home town) that “training, finance, and assistance of every sort is being given members of the separatist movement in Quebec by sources in Cuba.  In addition, funds and assistance are also funneled into Quebec from Algeria.”

He also charged that El Fatah, the Arab fascist terror organization in the Middle East was coordinating its work with that of Quebec’s national socialists, and had contributed $1,500.00 to help finance “Operation McGill” last March.  The block-buster, as far as Trudeau was concerned, however, was his publication of a list of 27 alleged Maoists who have been or still are on the federal payroll as employees of the Company of Young Canadians.  It was a fine example of courageous McCarthyism, and Mr. Malcolm is to be heartily commended for having had the guts to speak out.

East Wind Over Montreal

To deal with the first of these items, l’affaire Vallières, and Trudeau’s connection with it, a little excursion into recent history is required.  In a sense, one might say that it all began with veteran Stalinist agent, Jean-Louis Gagnon (recently appointed as Co-Chairman of the Royal Commission on Bilingualism & Biculturalism by Trudeau), who had fled to Brazil in 1945* when the historic Gouzenko revelations had exposed the seditious activities of two of his close comrades, Fred Rose (“The Communist Party of Canada carries on despite persecution”) and Professor Raymond Boyer (“I made contributions”), and returned to Canada in 1948.*  With the heat off, he resumed his political work, and two years later become editor of the Quebec Liberal Party’s LA REFORME.

Ten years later (1958), he became editor of the prestigious family newspaper, LA PRESSE, of Montreal, the largest French language daily in the new world.  It was he who originally hired Pierre Vallières to join the staff of LA PRESSE.

A vicious, pugnacious young leftwing nazi and anticleric, Vallières had refused to sit for his examinations for his B.A. because he considered that the religious and philosophic examinations were offensive to his fanatic and unyielding atheist faith.  In 1962, Trudeau’s old buddy, Pelletier, became editor of LA PRESSE, and kept Vallières on staff.

To appreciate the full significance of these years, the early sixties, and of the cast of characters in this sordid chronicle, it is important to remember that from 1960 to 1965, “secret meetings” were convened in Pelletier’s suburban Westmount home, involving, apart from Pelletier himself, such stirling citizens as René Lévesque (“Too many people are playing with violence like sorcerers’ apprentices”), who was then Minister of Natural Resources in the Lesage Cabinet (it was in the course of these meetings that Lévesque decided to socialize Quebec’s power companies), Pierre-Elliott Trudeau, Jean Marchand (“To regard me as a stranger in Quebec is as stupid as it is ridiculous”), and … Jean Louis Gagnon (Cf. DAILY STAR, April 8, 1968; TRUDEAU:  A MAN FOR TOMORROW, by Douglas Stuecing, with John Marshall & Gary Oakes; Clarke, Irwin & Co., Toronto, 1968).

Pelletier, who was collaborating closely with Trudeau in editing the latter’s highbrow little magazine, CITE LIBRE, was probably instrumental in bringing Vallières to Trudeau’s attention and getting him to hire Vallières to work on the magazine in September 1963.  He stayed with it until March of the following year, 1964, when he walked out with eleven (!!!) other writers who disagreed vehemently with Trudeau’s thesis that Trotskyism could only be built in Canada through the instrumentality of the federal government (“a change of attitude to federalism still seems to be required within the ranks of Canadian socialism”).

Vallières and his friends, par contre, were opting for the official leftist line according to which the secessionist movement in Quebec was to be warped into the pattern of those phoney “national liberation” enterprises by means of which the Red warlords hope, in time, to convert Quebec into a continental Cuba, cut off from the federal Canadian state, and which, in the global chessgame of Stalinist geopolitical strategy, would secure them a northern flank in their long term plan to encircle and isolate the United States of America, their ultimate, Number One target.

It was two months later, in May (1964), that Trudeau published his famous essay, SEPARATIST COUNTER-REVOLUTIONARIES (which now forms the final chapter of his book, FEDERALISM AND THE FRENCH CANADIANS), thereby sealing the rift with his former friends who repudiated his federal strategy in favour of the phoney “separatist” line, designed to consign Quebec to the status of a province of the Socialist Camp.

Let us remember, however, that just as Trudeau had not disputed the validity of the pro-Peiping and anti-American purposes of his demon­strator-antagonists at the Seaforth Armouries in Vancouver, similarly he does not and never has reproached these “separatist counter-revolutionaries” for their Trotskyism, out merely for their refusal to submit to his federal strategy (“If the whole of the Canadian electorate could miraculously be converted to socialist ideals in one fell swoop, there would be no reason to discuss strategy”).

Like the quarrel between the Kremlin and Mao, from the point of view of Canadian freedom, this too is basically what someone has called “a quarrel about funeral arrangements.”  A year later, upon invitation of Pearson’s then Secretary of State, Maurice Lamontagne, (“Federal Liberals should drop their opposition to the ‘two nations’ concept and ‘special status’ for Quebec — battles they have already lost — and concentrate on federal planning for the age of abundance”) and accompanied by his buddies Pelletier and Marchand, Trudeau moved into the leadership ranks of the federal Liberal Party, in a strategically Fabian move which was to vault the Trotskyite trio to the pinnacle of political power in this country.

The extraordinary intrusion of these notorious non-Liberals (no French-speaking Riding would accept Trudeau as a “Liberal” candidate; he had to be “parachuted” into MOUNT ROYAL, a carpetbagging manoeuvre bitterly resented by veteran Liberals) into the Pearson administration did raise a few knowledgeable eyebrows:  one political observer charged the Liberals “with forcing Canadians down the road to socialism”, and that “The Government is not leaning to the left, it’s rushing pell-mell to the left.”

The entrance of the “three wise men” into the Liberal ruling junta, he said, was “a clear sign that the Pearson Government had swung hard to the left.”  Referring directly to Messrs. Trudeau, Marchand and Pelletier, he did not mince his words:  “They are all Socialists, and they are all on record as being opposed to the Prime Minister and the present Government.”

Ron Gostick?  Lubor Zink?  Charles Lynch?  Some besotted “McCarthyite”?  Fasten your safety belt:  it was no less a progressive than the National President of the Progressive Conservative Association, Dalton Camp (Cf. TELEGRAM, Oct. 6, 1965).

Of course, in 1965, it was still safe to say such things.  At that time those who were subsequently to abdicate their reason and submit to the irrational cult of Trudeaumanic chauvinism didn’t know Trudeau from a dyspeptic dentist from Trois Rivières; the Machiavellian “Messiah” had not yet been revealed to the gentiles.

Lavender and Old Left

However, back in 1963, Vallières was a very busy young Maoist, having played a leading role in the founding of the Marcusean magazine PARTI PRIS (“Side Taken”), soon to become notorious for its juvenitarian Jacobinism, its aura of “revolutionary” action, and its espousal of “the language of hatred…  which led us to Marxism…”  (Cf. ANDRE MAJOR, essay, WEAPONS IN HAND, in Stalinist symposium, QUEBEC STATES HER CASE, MacMillan of Canada, Toronto, 1964) and which was to eclipse Trudeau’s CITE LIBRE in Quebec’s leftist literary firmament.

(In the course of its colourful career, the latter had featured some picturesque contri­butors; indeed, among whom were to be found Prof. Raymond Boyer, convicted Stalinist spy, Stanley Ryerson (“Marxist interpretation of the History of Canada”), leading theoretician of the Canadian section of the Communist Party and editor of the MARXIST REVIEW, Pierre Gelinas, Quebec director of Agitation and Propaganda for the Party, as well as the TELEGRAM’S Trudeaumaniac-in-Residence, John D. Harbron (“The big corporations knew the CCCL was dominated by men of a basic ideology geared to socialism, some of it of the virulent European variety”), and author of THIS IS TRUDEAU (Longman’s Canada Ltd., Don Mills, 1967).

PARTI PRIS was launched at the University of Montreal which is to Quebec what Simon Fraser is to British Columbia, a seething cesspool of Maoist propaganda and intrigue.  Vallières has revealed that “some members of the FLQ were present”, at its birth, as was Michel Chartrand of the Quebec CCF-NDP, now known as the Parti Socialiste de Quebec.  So closely was Vallières associated with PARTI PRIS and the Maoist Klatsch publishing it, that an article of his was featured in its first issue (February 10, 1963).  Note the date:  February; the following autumn he joined Trudeau and Pelletier at CITE LIBRE.  By 1965, Vallières was editor of yet another Machiavellian mag, REVOLUTION QUEBECOISE.

By 1966, the Maoist FLQ was alive and well, and the nation was shocked and horrified at the wave of bombings and terror it unleashed in Quebec.  The directors of its terror apparatus were Vallières and Charles Gagnon, formerly a Professor of Literature on the Social Science Faculty of the U. of M.  Gagnon was also one of the bosses of the Maoist-controlled UNION GENERALE DES ETUDIANTS DE QUEBEC (UGZQ), which spawned the Student Workers of Quebec, the Quebec counterpart of the Company of Young Canadians.  He was also the official coordinator of the Bureau d’amenagement de I’Est du Quebec, (Eastern Quebec Planning Bureau) (BAEQ) which is affiliated with the federal project, ARDA.

By then, Vallières and Gagnon were running PARTI PRIS, and the U. of M. Campus had become notorious as the principal recruiting ground for FLQ terrorists.  They were also active in the People’s Liberation Movement, apparently formed from a number of Maoist groups, one of which was the Independent Socialist Committee, founded by Mario Bachand, now residing in Havana.  Bachand is a convicted terrorist, a veteran of the Company of Young Canadians, which, according to Anthony Malcolm, is still paying the rent on the headquarters of his Committee at 2100 rue St. Denis in Montreal!

One of the leaders of the PLM is Stanley Gray (“fascists”) who is so popular with the Canada Council, and who is planning mass demonstrations before the Palais de Justice in Montreal in November to demand the release of Messrs. Vallières and Gagnon, and other fascist fifth columnists facing criminal charges.  (No shrinking violet lie.)  PLM is alleged by Mr. Malcolm to be in close contact with Quisling Robert Favreau, now resident in Moscow, and a former leader of the Party’s Komsomols (Young Communists) in Quebec.

Bachand checked out for Soviet-occupied Cuba last spring, following “Operation McGill” last March, which Malcolm alleges was partly financed by El Fatah, (Now, do you understand, Rabbi Feinberg?).  The PLM serves as the visible, above-ground, “legal” front for the FLQ, distinct from its undercover apparat, according to classic Communist formula.

In September of 1966, Vallières and Gagnon were arrested in New York, where they had picketed the United Nations with placards announcing that they were on a hunger strike, which was supposed to have something to do with winning success for the FLQ’s campaign of Red terror in Quebec.

They successfully stalled extradition to Canada on murder charges for many, many months (they probably decided to go to New York to avoid arrest in Montreal), while almost a dozen Red terrorists were arrested and tried in Montreal.  Among them was Serge Demers who described himself as a leader of the FLQ’s “action network” and who testified at his trial that a training camp for red fifth columnists was in operation near Montreal, where they were drilled in the living thoughts of Mao Tse-tung (The Sino-Japanese war gives us, the Chinese Communists, an excellent opportunity for expansion”) and the late and unlamented Che Guevara (If the rockets had remained, we would have used them against the very heart of the USA, including New York”).

In March 1968, Vallières was brought to trial for the murder on May 5, 1968 of 64-year-old Thérèse Morin, a receptionist at the La Grenade Shoe Co., when a bomb was exploded on her desk at the Company’s office by a terror squad commanded by Vallières.

In the course of the trial, he was identified as “the leader of a Quebec guerilla band that trained in a bush camp in the Laurentians in 1966” where police found a cache of arms and explosives (Cf. TELEGRAM, March 4, 1968, page 10).  Gagnon, Vallières’ partner in Communist crime, was also charged in the same murder, as well as with manslaughter in the death of 16-year-old Jean Corbo, an agent of the FLQ who was killed by the premature explosion of a bomb he was detailed to plant on the premises of the Dominion Textile Co. in Montreal’s St. Henri quarter in July of 1966.  Gagnon (“better late than never”) was acquitted of the latter charge last April, and is presumably awaiting trial in the Morin case.

L’AFFAIRE VALLIÈRES:  A Stalinist Skeleton In Trudeau’s Closet?

Readers of this bulletin may recall mention of the Vallières case in our issue for June 1968, when our then columnist, “El Gusano”, pointed out that “Trudeau appeared on a list of proposed witnesses given to Mr. Justice Yves Leduc by Pierre Vallières in the course of his trial for murder last March.

Nothing more was heard of this, of course, for Trudeau was Minister of Justice! …  The Vallières trial is perhaps one of the most important political-criminal events in Canada today, yet our press maintains a virtual silence about it.  Why is that, do you suppose?

The same [illegible] we published our first and now famous Trudeau Fact Sheet, EAST WIND OVER OTTAWA, which referred to Vallières’ attempt to have Trudeau called as a character witness in his defence, and which asked, “did (Trudeau) testify?  Was he ever called?”

Well, the answer would seem to be:  no, he wasn’t, and it is scarcely difficult to understand his reluctance to having his former protege focus a spotlight of public scrutiny on these sinister seditious associations of his recent past.

In March 1968, Vallières was conducting his own defence, a role which permitted him to grandstand histrionically in the grand Marxist manner (maybe that’s where Gary Perly got the idea), and he submitted a list of proposed character witnesses which included, apart from Glorious Pierre, a number of members of the faculty of the U. of M., Gérard Pelletier, who was then Parliamentary Secretary to External Affairs Minister Paul Martin [‘Senior’ (Admin)]  (“I have been caught in the generation gap”), and Marcel Pepin, who runs the Maoist-controlled Congrès des Syndicaux Nationaux (Congress of National Trade Unions).

Vallières was convicted in April of last year, and sentenced to life imprisonment.  The following month, May, a couple of dozen well-known actors and singers staged a benefit at Montreal’s Gesu Theatre under the auspices of secessionist singing star, Pauline Julien and Jacques Larue-Langlois, a producer with the Canadian Broadcasting Cor­poration (Radio-Canada) who was fired last year, and alleged by Anthony Malcolm to be a contact man between Quebec’s national socialists and the American Black Panther Party, which is suspected of providing financial aid and training in arson and sabotage to FLQ terrorists (the Demers trial revealed that Vallières and Gagnon travelled extensively abroad, and often the FLQ held top level strategy meetings in that historic quaint old Quebec town, Rochester, N.Y., where contact with the Black Panthers would have been absurdly convenient).  Called “Poems and Songs of Resistance” (why not “of Liberation”?), the money to be raised by the benefit was to finance Vallières’ appeal for a new trial.

Among the distinguished participants were such luminaries as the actress Ginette Letondal, Hélène Loiselle, and Lionel Villeneuve.  The tone of the circus was set in the opening tableau:  “All the artists stood on stage listening to an actor recite the words of the judge who sentenced Vallières.  And then one by one, each artist spoke the names of all those who, since 1960, have been sent to jail for terrorist activities in support of the separatist movement …  The sentiment ran from simple independence to revolution that would establish a socialist state in Quebec (for which there was mention of Castro and Mao and the rest of today’s revol­utionary heros).”  (Cf. Gordon Sheppard, TELEGRAM, June 1, 1968).

The fascist fervour of the audience knew no bounds when the Quattuor du Nouveau Jazz Libre swung into a groovy jazz rendition of that famous old French-Canadian folk song, L’Internationale.

Lord Elliott Sends His Regrets

Last September 24th (1969), five Justices of the Quebec Court of Appeal ruled that Vallières be granted a new trial (for which no date has yet been set).  Now repre­sented by hotshot lawyer, Robert Lemieux (who last spring defended convicted terror­ist Pierre-Paul Geoffroy, who had pleaded guilty to all charges when arraigned, and who has been granted leave to appeal his sentence of life imprisonment by the Court of Appeal), Vallières had subpoenas served on Messrs. Trudeau and Pelletier to testify on his behalf in a hearing of his petition for bail, and it must have shaken these gentlemen to have this nagging ghost pop up again to place their respectable “Liberal” image in jeopardy once more.

Subsequently, on October 6th, Judge Paul Trepanier entertained a petition from the President of the Quebec Bar, no less, Maître Jean Martineau, acting for the PM [Trudeau], requesting that his illustrious client be dispensed from complying with the subpoena, which dispensation seems to have been granted.  (It is amusing to note, parenthetically, that on Sept. 17th last, the Union Nationale Cabinet in Quebec city named Trudeau a Queen’s Counsel in honour of his “26 years of law practice”.

These venerable old Duplessistes must have had their tongues in their cheeks; in his whole lifetime Trudeau has never opened a law office, and has practiced about as much law, in those 26 years, as the late Robert F. Kennedy did in his lifetime, i.e., hardly any at all!  Quoth Quebec Minister of Justice, Remi Paul:  “It simply means that the Bar of the Province of Quebec is proud to see one of its members in such high office.”

Support Your Local Leninist?

If this dispensation established some kind of legal precedent (which it may very well have done), it could scarcely be more astonishing than the fact that a Prime Minister of Canada should be subpoenaed as a character witness in a bail hearing for a convicted collectivist killer, whose anarcho-statist crimes have been committed in the course of his seditious services in a fascist fifth column pursuing the anti-Western purposes of the Red warlords of the Socialist Camp!

Trudeau’s affidavit requesting dispensation from his legal obligation to appear was interesting, to say the least:  “I am unable to provide any evidence whatsoever which would be pertinent to the petition of the defendant, Pierre Vallières; I do not believe I have seen or spoken with the defendant for five years; The only times I had occasion to speak with him involved the magazine CITE LIBRE, which the defendant managed for some months; I did not know the defendant before having met him in the circumstances mentioned in the preceding paragraph…”

Brave words, bravely uttered, but it is surely stretching credulity to the point of absurdity to expect us to believe that Vallières got the job at CITE LIBRE, Trudeau’s pet project for a number of years, by answering a Help Wanted ad in LA PRESSE!

In his effort to strike the right muted key in his affidavit, Trudeau, as usual, overdoes it, and plunges into bathos with the same grand style he made famous during the election campaign at Motel swimming pools:  “I am a mere citizen, and as such, subject to all the laws of my country,” but my appearance in court for the hearing of the defendant’s application would cause me to waste, uselessly, a part of the time which I must devote to my duties …”

How’s that for humility?  “a mere citizen … subject to all the laws of my country”!  (Vancouver papers, please copy!).

Needless to say, this did not go down too well with Maître Lemieux, who nevertheless demonstrated some surprising naivete (or pretended to):  “How can the Prime Minister ask to be excused from testifying?  He doesn’t know the questions we wish to ask him”, which is precisely why, of course, Trudeau is bending every effort to avoid being dragged to the witness stand.

When he attempted to argue the cogency of his client’s subpoena, Lemieux didn’t get too far with Judge Trepanier.  “At the time of the changeover of authority in the management of CITE LIBRE”, he began, “we are in possession of a speech which Pierre-Elliott Trudeau …”, at which point the judge cut him off, asserting that he would hear all arguments in the course of the hearing, and then decide if the PM’s presence” at the hearing would be required.  (Everyone, but everyone, is trying so hard to be considerate to Mere Citizen Trudeau, to spare him any avoidable embarrassment!)

Can Pierre-Elliott Trudeau Ever Forget Pierre Vallières and Find Happiness?

Annoyed at the Court’s apparent acceptance of Trudeau’s disclaimer, Maître Lemieux did not mince his words when interviewed by the CBC’s network radio news broadcast, THE WORLD AT SIX, in which he pointed out that Trudeau had hired Vallières in 1963 to work on CITE LIBRE, that Vallières was then employed by Pelletier at LA PRESSE, that Trudeau was busy on the faculty of the U. of M. at the time, and that they were a cosy threesome who “did everything together”.

Outside the courtroom, Jacques Larue-Langlois (vide supra), Chairman of the Comité d’aide au groupe Vallières et Gagnon, (Committee for Aid to the Vallières-Gagnon Group) distributed a leaflet with the plaintive lament, “Thus does the Prime Minister coldly turn his back on a former comrade and collaborator.”  The whole episode is reported in MONTREAL MATIN (October 7th) under the by-line of Roger Guil featuring the intriguing headline:  TRUDEAU TRIES TO WEASEL OUT BUT Gérard PELLETIER WILL BE THERE!

With characteristic French-Canadian impishness, the editor has inserted a crosshead in the story which is from the Bible:  the words of St. Peter denying the Saviour in the courtyard of the High Priest, “I do not know the man!”  Without wishing to minimize the gravity of l’affaire Vallières and the serious crimes with which the man is charged, the whole episode does smack of … of what?  Pinkerton abandoning Madame Butterfly?  Father Flanagan turning his back on Mickey Rooney?  So many comic parallels suggest themselves …

However, in the real, sober, no-nonsense world of Stalinist subversion and sedition, in the murky, Machiavellian atmosphere of the fever swamp of Quebec’s militant Left, peopled by morally retarded intellectuals, dilettantes, and hard-headed godless gangsters, there is nothing funny about Pierre Vallières and what makes him run, and in the final analysis, there is nothing funny about Trudeau.  Nor can we be amused at the failure of our English-language press to keep us informed on what must surely be the hottest political story since l’affaire Munsinger.

To our knowledge, not one Toronto paper has had the journalistic wit to get an interview with Vallières counsel, Robert Lemieux, a young man who has something to say, something which all Canadians have a right to know about.
* Mitchel Sharp, Trudeau adviser and future member of David Rockefeller’s Trilateral Commission, gave Gagnon safe haven and a job in Brazil at Brazilian Traction, and helped him to flee Canada in the wake of the Gouzenko revelations. [Ed. NSIM]

One response to “Trudeau & Vallières: A Socialist Soap-Opera?

  1. Thank you for this informative piece of editorial writing, It fills in a lot of gaps in my understanding of the errors in the policy and behaviour of ancient politicians—Trudeau and his fellow travelers— and the wayward progeny of today— Justin Trudeau.


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