Ron Gostick, R.I.P. (2005)

Ron Gostick, R.I.P. (2005)



Category:  Historical Reprints.
Source:  “Ron Gostick, R.I.P.”, (obituary) On Target (Official bulletin of the Australian League of Rights)
Writers:  F. Paul Fromm of Canada; Phillip Butler of Australia
Volume 41 Number 33, 2005

Ron Gostick, R.I.P.

F. Paul Fromm

On a steamy Southern Ontario summer afternoon, July 20, 2005 under a hazy sky, we bade farewell to Ron Gostick, who, after a long battle with cancer, died quietly in his sleep, two days short of his 87th birthday.  The memorial service in his hometown of Flesherton, Ontario, was well attended by his large family (second wife Wanda, children, grandchildren, stepchildren), friends, political associates and his legion comrades.  Branch 333 of the Royal Canadian Legion started the proceedings with a farewell to their old comrade.  Ron had served for five years in the Canadian Army in World War II.  Ron was a giant in the freedom movement in Canada.  His decades, not mere years, of publishing — 59 years of newspapers, newsletters (Canadian Intelligence Service, On Target! and others) — and lecturing carried many messages and educated many people, including at least one present MP and such well known people as James Keegstra, to political realities.

Born in Wales, Ron emigrated to Canada with his parents in 1923.  The family homesteaded near Stettler, Alberta.  After nine years, the Gostick family, which now included brother William, moved to Calgary.  Alberta was mired in the Great Depression, “widespread poverty amidst abundance,” as Ron summed it up in “Canada:  Its Glorious Potential — And Things I Didn’t Learn in School” (2002).  From 1933 to 1935, he attended Crescent Height High School.

There his maths teacher and principal was William Aberhart, a proponent of Social Credit, the teachings of Scottish engineer Major C.H. Douglas, who applied practical Christianity to economics.  Should the issue of credit ex nihilo be in the hands of private banks, Social Credit asked?  With the fractional reserve system, a bank can lend many multiples of the dollars on deposit and, thus, issue credit and collect interest on the lending of this credit.  Why should there be mass poverty in a land brimming with natural and human resources?  What is physically possible should be made financially possible, Douglas argued.

As Ron stated in the introduction of Canada:  Its Glorious Potential:  “Money, and in modern times Credit, in all their forms and instruments are the life-blood of society and the nation.  For generations, practically all modern industrialized nations have experienced periods of boom times and inflation, followed by depression, hard times and a shortage of ‘money’ (purchasing power).  And in recent decades, every country seems plagued with an escalating mountain of debt — and taxation to pay the interest on the debt.”  For the deeply Christian Mr. Gostick, Social Credit offered practical application of religion to politics and a blueprint out of the misery of the Great Depression.  His mother thought so too, and ran for and won a seat in the first Aberhart Social Credit government in 1935.

Ron went to college in Calgary and took further business studies in Chicago.  He joined the Canadian Army in 1941 and served as a court reporter in Ottawa and Toronto.  Immediately after the war, Ron served as the General Secretary of the Social Credit Party of Canada.  Party intrigues soured him on political parties.  Major Douglas had warned against the formation of a Social Credit Party, believing that it would be better to spread the philosophy of economic reform, hoping that people of good will in many parties would adopt it.  Ron began his publishing activities, at first distributing copies of his newspaper by motorcycle around Ontario.

A Social Creditor and journalist would seem to have made Ron fairly mainstream — at least not a subject for law enforcement scrutiny.  However, his voluminous RCMP file, obtained some years ago by lawyer Barbara Kulazska reveals than his meetings were under Mountie surveillance as early as the late 1940s.  Ron’s Christian principles led him into many causes.  He was a firm anti-communist at a time when trendy Canadians like Pierre Trudeau were open admirers of tyrants like Fidel Castro and Mao tse-Tung.  When Rhodesia declared independence in 1965, he rallied to the cause of the Ian Smith experiment, grounded in Christianity and a gradual approach to Negro involvement.  Ron strongly opposed the Pearson’s pennant coup d’etat, the invention of a “new” Canadian flag and the abandonment of the Red Ensign, as a prelude to the changing of the country the flag symbolized, through massive Third World immigration, multiculturalism and the sacrificing of our sovereignty through internationalism.  When Royal Canadian Legion Branch 333 became a hotbed of pro-Red Ensign sentiment, Dominion command in Ottawa, under political pressure, decreed that Ron Gostick must be purged as president or the branch would lose its accreditation.  He was.  Assisted by his longtime associate, former RCMP undercover agent Patrick Walsh, burly Irishman from Quebec City who spoke with a distinctly French accent, Ron warned repeatedly of communist infiltration and subversion in Canadian politics.

In 1968, a new comet flashed across the firmament of Canadian politics.  His name was Pierre Trudeau.  The press promoted him as a fresh breath in Canadian politics, a change from the World War I generation of old war horses like John Diefenbaker and Lester Pearson.  Trudeau, Canadians were told, was trendy, irreverent, prone to wearing a cape or posing holding a rose rakishly in his mouth.  Pat Walsh, a veteran as an undercover agent in communist circles in the Province of Quebec, recognized Trudeau and some of his associates.  He’d briefly flirted with the NDP.  Trudeau was far more to the left than the press was telling Canadians.  Ron Gostick did an extraordinary thing.  While the press gushed about Trudeau image and antics, he actually read what Trudeau had written and researched his activities.  He found in Trudeau an admirer of Castro and Mao, a man who had visited Red China in the early 1960s at the depths of the “Great Leap Forward” famine, and returned gushing with admiration.  Ron Gostick published his findings and, assisted with the list of Liberal convention delegates supplied by the disgruntled Paul Martin Sr’s campaign, he began to circulate his warnings.  Hundreds of thousands of the relevant pamphlets were distributed.  In Toronto, Tory Senator Wallace McCutcheon funded the reprinting of perhaps 60,000 leaflets derived from Mr. Gostick’s work by the fledgling Edmund Burke Society of which I was a member. 1  [Emphases added.]

I had first met Mr. Gostick the year before at a lecture at a downtown hotel.  I was immediately impressed by his knowledge and methodology:  quoting important sources and offering an illuminating commentary.  Mr. Gostick’s warning about Pierre Elliott Trudeau’s affection for communism, his totalitarian streak and his eagerness to change Canadian society brought him a torrent of abuse.  He was denounced as a “hatemonger.”  As has happened in so many instances since, his opponents didn’t say he was wrong, didn’t argue with his facts.  They simply hollered “hate” and said he shouldn’t have said those things.  Within a few years, it became obvious that Ron Gostick’s warnings were more than valid.  Not until the early 70s did a few right of centre journalists like Lubor Zink and Peter Worthington 2 dare to say what Ron Gostick had said in 1968.

In the early 1980s, Ron warned of the dangers of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms. 3 Far from granting us rights, it, in fact, restricts them.  Under British Common Law, one had the right to do whatever one wanted, except what was expressly forbidden by law.  Under the Charter the State grants citizens a seemingly impressive list of rights.  Yet, this list can be and often is severely restricted by the courts — see, the many and growing limitations on freedom of speech.  Other essentials, such as the ownership of property, aren’t even listed as rights at all.

More recently, Ron formed the Third Option for National Unity Committee.  He worried both about Quebec separatism 4 and Western alienation.  There was a third option, he argued, to the extremes of separation, of totalitarian interfering rule from Ottawa.  That option was to return to the letter of the BNA Act which granted direct taxation, education, health and many other functions to the provincial governments.  Federal usurpation of these powers was at the heart of the legitimate grievances of the Quebec nationalists and the Western separatists.

Ron Gostick was a gentle modest man.  He spoke to admiring audiences in Southern Africa, Australia, the U.S. and for decades from coast to coast across Canada.  His approach was one of quiet persuasion.  Teacher, think[er], leader, mentor, Ron Gostick, you will be sorely missed.

Copies of “Canada:  Its Glorious Potential” by Ron Gostick are available for $12.  (Canadian) postpaid from C-FAR, Box 332, Rexdale, ON, M9W 5L3, Canada.

Vale Ronald Gostick

Phillip Butler of Australia

I first met Ron Gostick in London towards the end of 1966 as he was returning from Rhodesia.  On behalf of the Canadian Friends of Rhodesia, he had presented the commander of the Rhodesian Armed Forces with monies raised to purchase fuel.  The Candour League, headed by A.K. Chesterton had arranged the meeting.  From then on Ron and the Gostick family played a big part in my life.  I flew to Toronto and spent an incredible family-orientated Christmas with them.  Australians can only dream of a “White Christmas”, but that year in the little village of Flesherton, Grey County — approximately 100 miles north of Toronto — I was welcomed into a caring, jovial Gostick family gathering to share a truly “White Christmas”.  The office of Canadian Intelligence Publications is centred there, out of which grew the Christian Action Movement (CAM) and in turn — after much consultation with his close political and social crediter friend, Eric D. Butler of Australia — The Canadian League of Rights (CLR) was set up.  In late 1969 I commenced a 20 year stint with the CLR as Ron’s Deputy National Director.

Canada is going to be all the poorer for the passing of Ronald Gostick.  However, he has helped nurture the growth among the younger generations and his work will continue.  Rest in Peace Ron — you have served your country well.  On behalf of the Butler Family including Eric Dudley Butler, my father, I express the deep sadness we all feel at his passing.  Our thoughts are with his wife Wanda and all his family at this time.
1  Fromm was more than a “member” of the Edmund Burke Society; he was a founder of it, in February of 1968, together with xxx and xxxx.  However, more importantly, research by left-wing author Stanley Barrett, published in 19xx, disclosed that Fromm’s Edmund Burke Society was sest up as a national police front, an operation under the Lester Pearson “liberal” government of Canada.  Lester Pearson had been exposed as a Soviet agent by defecting GRU (military intelligence) Elizabeth Bentley, in the U.S. McCarran hearings, which followed the Gouzenko spy trials in Canada.  The Edmund Burke Society was therefore not a grass-roots cultural phenomenon, but a synthetically created organization for the purpose of conducting “police” and “national security” activities under Canada’s Communist-penetrated federal government.
Furthermore, John Diefenbaker and Lester Pearson were not “old war horses”.  Together with Gilles Grégoire of the federal Social Credit Party of Canada, these other two political party leaders colluded in the early 1960s — with a core date of 17 December 1962 — with Communist Pierre Elliott Trudeau, and his pro-Soviet review, Cité Libre (Free City), in a seditious mass Communist mobilization of the non-communist Quebec population against Confederation and the Constitution.  The scenario for the staged disturbance was written by Pierre Elliott Trudeau and mounted by the federal government and the opposition and other parties, and led and escalated by Communist friends of Trudeau who were then Editors in Chief of Quebec’s two main French dailies.  I am referring to the infamous “Gordon Incident”.  Our own federal government, working with Communists, deliberately attacked Canada to destabilize it, using Quebec to dismantle it into Communist city-states doing socialist planning, on the model of Moscow in the U.S.S.R.

2  Peter Worthington was not “right of center”; he was controlled opposition, as I have illustrated in my post entitled “xxx xxx xxx xxx” at

3  Gostick submitted a brief to the Joint Committee of the House and Senate, and participated, therefore, in Communist Pierre Trudeau’s coup d’état on Canada which overthrew our lawful Parliament and Legislatures.  For proof it was a coup and not a patriation, see “Patriation and Legitimacy of the Canadian Constitution” (1982) by coup participant, Barry Lee Strayer.

4  The Quebec phenomenon, then as now, was set up by Communists wanting power to construct a Communist plan; and wishing to destroy the nation-state by mass-immigrating third-world foreigners to set up new multicultural international city-states on the model of Moscow, under world government.  What is interesting is that despite Mr. Fromm’s claim to being an “anticommunist”, he and his Edmund Burke Society (a national police operation by Soviet agent Pearson) never identified the PQ as Communist.  Indeed, had Fromm and the EBS done so, they would have undermined the complex manoevering and the “political” value of the “Donald Gordon Incident” in November 1962, all of which was done precisely to make a referendum to separate Quebec from Canada appear to be not only viable, but “constitutionally” an emergency essential to preserve Canadian “unity”.  Federal Social Crediter, Gilles Gregoire, was a co-founder with Rene Levesque, of the Communist PQ; and therefore, he didn’t seem to see the “great leap forward” from Social Credit to PQ Communism as more than a one-legged hop-scotch.

5  “Federal usurpation of these powers was at the heart of the legitimate grievances of the Quebec nationalists and the Western separatists.”  With these words, we now have from the lips of so-called anticommunist F. Paul Fromm his ratification of the PQ communist operation as nothing but an expression of “legitimate grievances” of “Quebec nationalists” and even worse … “Western separatists”.  Fromm’s good pal, Doug Christie, who in a two-minute video tape pitches for “smaller government” and decries that the “American Empire” “doesn’t want to break up”, and wishes to spread the idea of “decentralization” to the people of the whole “world”, for the whole world to break up, led two successive Canadian break-up movements in tandem with the Trudeau-Levesque Communist operation at the end of the country; and he did so with the encouragement and full support of F. Paul Fromm, “anticommunist”.  In addition, Canadian “unity” movements will for the most part be discovered to be knowing promoters of the restructuring and re-federalization of Canada along Communist principles, most particularlhy with a view to decentralization into Communist city-states in a Marxist world-state.  As to the possibility of a “legal” break-up and restructuring of Canada, the BNA Act of 1867, still our only lawful Constitution, is explicit.  It was passed by United Kingdom Parliament as our constituent act, whose interpretative Long Title makes Confederation, as founded, permanent; and together with numerous other features of the Constitution, denies all power to dismantle or annex Canada.
It should moreover be obvious that in claiming to promote Canadian “unity” by means of restructuring, promoters accept the disunity of the country, meaning its dismantling, as a legtiimate political objective; in other words, they defy the Constitution which denies the objective; and also denies anyone who wants to achieve that objective the right legally to sit and vote laws for Canada, whether federal or provincial.  In other words, enemies of the country cannot be legally sworn into office.

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