The Pelletier Crisis

Foreword: I am giving the citation data from the masthead of the volume and issue in which the article below first appears. Articles in Straight Talk! on anti-communism, and the penetration of Fabian socialist and far-left forces into Canada, are a researcher’s dream. They are full of quotations backed up with author, title, date and page number. If you are researching Communism in Canada, you can take Straight Talk! to the library and pore over the microfilm to find the documents referred to.

NB: I am featuring these articles for research purposes; not to make any particular political statement. Hope you find them useful. [Ed. NSIM]

Category:  Historical Reprints
Source:  Straight Talk! Published by the Edmund Burke Society
Editor:  F. Paul Fromm, B.A.
Associate Editor:  Kastus Akula
Writers:  E.B.S. Members and friends
Directors:  The Council of the E.B.S.
Volume III No. 9, May 1971

The Edmund Burke Society is a movement dedicated to preserving and promoting the basic virtues of Western Christian Civilization — individual freedom; individual responsibility; a self-sacrificing love of country; and a willing­ness to work and pay one’s own way and not be a burden on others. These virtues have made our civilization great. Communism, socialism, and welfare-state liberalism are tearing it apart. The Edmund Burke Society stands for a regeneration of Western Civilization and firm action against all its enemies.

The E.B.S. is financed mainly through small donations from generous Canadians. Straight Talk! is produced by voluntary labour.

The Pelletier Crisis

La Crise de Pelletier:
An Apologia for Trudeaucracy

by Peter Dauphin

In our April issue, in discussing the new book by Secretary of State Gérard Pelletier (“Though René Lévesque belongs to what one might call the moderate left, I do not think that the political regime which he would install in an independent Québec would be of a socialist type”) 1, on the October crisis (La Crise d’Octobre, Editions du Jour, Montréal, 1971), we reviewed how Pelletier himself, in his function as Secretary of State and as Minister responsible for the federal Company of Young Canadians, had participated fully and actively in the Trudeau Clique’s program of financing “Red fifth column operations”, while bending every effort to protect them from a thorough-going investigation during the “Little October Crisis” of October 1969.

The readers of this magazine have been kept informed on the operation of this treasonous misfeasance, which has also involved the Canada Council (with Pelletier, again, as the Minister responsible) and the Department of National Health & Welfare, under the control of John Munro (“They’re going to raise hell!”), who turned over a half a million dollars in federal funds to the left-racist Black United Front in 1969, and who this year diverted public funds to the tune of $104,000.00 to the Hamilton Welfare Rights Organization, a violent mob which has terrorized Hamilton welfare workers. This mob is headed by a militant of the CCF-NDP, William Freeman. Further, Munro’s Mafia, along with the Citizenship Branch of the Office of the Secretary of State (Pelletier), the federal Central Mortgage & Housing Corporation, and the Indian Affairs Branch, also funneled thousands of federal dollars into the phoney Poor People’s Conference staged by leftist agents in Toronto last January.

This bulletin, like the Edmund Burke Society for which it speaks, has constantly exposed, deplored, condemned and lamented this program of public financing of anti-democratic activities, but the régime of Pierre-Elliott Trudeau (“I hold no brief for the Liberal opposition — on the contrary, its mediocrity is partly to blame for the ills we suffer”), which inherited this program from Lester Pearson (“A totalitarian régime may well be devoted to the interests of its people”) and expanded it, has always been evasive in its explanations for it.

There has been much double-talk about “social animation” and “the belief that people should have a greater degree of responsibility and opportunity to identify their own social and economic problems and to seek solutions to them” (Cf. Ian Howard’s letter to Don Andrews, September 1969). One might almost suspect that we were living in 1771, rather than 1971, and that there were no trade unions, cooperatives, cultural organizations, credit unions, or other democratic organizations in Canada today engaged in “identifying social and economic problems and seeking solutions to them.” The curious thing, of course, is that this federal largesse is never made available to such genuine, representative organizations (EBS applied for a similar grant to match that made to the BUF, and was politely, but firmly, turned down) but to counterfeit fronts of a racist and/or totalitarian persuasion, all telling us how they are in solidarity with the oppressed poor in Asia, Africa, and Latin America, etc., (though never, alas, in solidarity with the oppressed poor behind the Iron Curtain).

Nor is this Trudeauvnik generosity (with our money) felt by what is probably the largest oppressed minority of Canadian citizens, who have spent their lives contributing their labour and energy to the national economy: the old age pensioners, who are expected to die, soon and quietly, and to stop haunting the national conscience. (In the meantime, let them go on subsisting on a can of dog food every other day.)

With the publication of Pelletier’s book, we are now told, quasi-officially, as it were, what the Government’s rationale is for this policy. In about as frank a statement as we are likely to get from a Trudeauvnik Cabinet Minister, we are treated to a pretty good rule-of-thumb definition of Trudeaucracy by one of its key practitioners:

“Every government has the mission to ‘put society to bed’, to foresee and provoke the changes that are needed, to run the risks of collective becoming, and to dream of it, to imagine beforehand the evolution toward a more just society, where the human person can expand. Very far from combating the new, emerging forces, it must go out to meet them, and to help them in their democratic action to transform, adapt, and improve economic and political conditions… Operational responses to problems like unemployment, for example, pollution, or terrorism, are not numerous.”

At a number of points in his book, Pelletier reiterates that the government is disposed to discourage the resort to violence in the pursuit of social change (which, according to the classic progressive superstition, is always presumed to be good in se) by “concretely encouraging” certain “tenants’ leagues, cooperative associations for family economy, and several other peoples’ initiatives” with “public funds”. Pelletier elaborates the “Trudeau Doctrine” in these terms:

“It is a matter of urgency that the State concretely provide certain disadvantaged groups with the technical means to make their case heard and to publicize their ideas… Governments already distribute very substantial subsidies in several areas; in the same manner, and without getting lost in some kind of utopia, the movement to favour people’s pressure groups, already begun, must be accentuated. Without the support of the public authorities, these latter will renounce their activity within the rules of the game of democracy, and will succumb to the temptation of totalitarian strategies… in a democratic system — or one which is tending toward democracy — the most efficacious help which can be brought to a disadvantaged group consists in informing it and providing it with appropriate tools, in order to avoid the frittering away of its energies in the multiplication of initiatives leading nowhere… to explore with them all the existing possibilities for them to achieve their objectives. When no possibility remains, then, doubtless, violence is justified, for it is the last resort of man seeking to safeguard his dignity…”

As thus articulated by Pelletier, this “doctrine” forms a part of his apologia for the Trudeauvnik police state imposed on the nation last October by the invocation of the War Measures Act. According to this rationale, the federal government provides means for such subversives to “raise hell” within the framework of a tenuous legality, and the recourse to kidnapping of prominent public personalities by the FLQ was a violation of Ottawa’s ground rules for subversion, that last straw of “violent” procedure which the Trudeau Clique was not prepared to tolerate.

What is significant here, is that the Doctrine takes little account of the substantial totalitarianism of such groups and their aims, only the means which they employ. At any rate, that is the theory; as we have seen, totalitarianism is not merely a question of “strategies and in practice, the red terrorists (felquists and other) have long benefited from federal financial solicitude, even when their terrorism exceeded the bounds of legality and “non-violence”.

The Trudeauvnik “Master Plan”

We have seen, and continue to see, precisely how “popular” (of the people) are the “people’s pressure groups” receiving such federal aid. Last April we cited advertisements published in the FLQ paper, DEUX MAI, by the Department of National Defense as recently as a few months ago. Alex Bandy, one of the Soviet wheels running the aforementioned Poor People’s Conference, perhaps let too many Trudeauvnik cats out of the bolshevik bag when he told the conference that

“The way Munro tells it, the government is really, secretly, on our side. It’s everybody else who is against us, and that’s why the government can’t help us. So, the master plan is to give us money to organize and demonstrate and win popular support, then the government will move…”

Thus we see that Munro, and the Trudeau Compact of which he and Pelletier are parts, are in collusion with the Stalinist fifth columnists in our midst, aiming essentially for the same objectives as they, but eager to have it appear that when Ottawa makes its dramatic move to socialize the economy, one way or another, it will seem to be in dutiful response to a massive demand from “the people”, i.e., from the street mobs organized and mobilized by the red fronts, and financially manipulated by the Trudeau gang. As we have indicated before, this is the classic Communist strategy of “pressure from above and pressure from below“. As in occupied Czecho-Slovakia, it is the people which is in the middle. It is the working class which must move decisively to smash this leftist “master plan”, and to preserve what remains of our democratic liberties. The time, citizen, is getting shorter, and shorter, and shorter…
1  Yes, it would be of the “socialist type”.  Download and read your own free copy of the 1972 manifesto of the Parti Québécois for a Communist state of Quebec, in the sidebar. Look for the blue lightning.

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