Goyer Cites Destructive ‘New Left’

Category:  Historical Reprints
Source:  The Winnipeg Free Press
Date:  “Goyer Cites Destructive ‘New Left'”, Thursday, January 27th, 1977.  Front Page and Page 4.
Unsigned Editorial
 

FOREWORD:

Here is Communist Solicitor-General Jean-Pierre Goyer blowing the whistle on Praxis, a radical Communist organization his pal Red Mole Pierre Elliott Trudeau has been funding with taxpayers’ money.

Note Mr. Goyer’s preference for the overt “electoral” process and for “representative democracy”.  Undoubtedly, Mr. Goyer means “referendums” imposed top-down and run by the covert “microbes” of the USSR in our federal government of Canada.

These red “microbes” have never been purged.  Meanwhile, the “process” of the superficially “democratic” destruction of Canada forges ahead, intermittently pushed from the top under the false labels of “constitutional amendment” and “executive federalism”.

Actually, that would be the “amendment” of the 1982 coup d’état “constitution”, to facilitate international state recognition of Quebec after a UDI.
 


 

The Winnipeg Free Press

Did radicals aim
to overthrow government?

Goyer Cites Destructive ‘New Left’

OTTAWA (CP) — Following is a text of a June 15, 1971, letter by Jean-Pierre Goyer, then solicitor-general, as read in the Commons Wednesday by Frank Oberle (PC — Prince George – Peace River).  Some names were edited from the letter by Mr. Oberle and an accompanying list of names was not read by him:

My dear colleague:

I have recently received a report containing information which the security service has accumulated about the concept of “Extra-Parliamentary Opposition” (EPO) as interpreted by advocates of the new left in Canada.  The report also draws attention to the activities of various persons and groups, some of them employees of the federal government, who support the EPO concept and who appear to have as their aim the destruction of the existing political and social structure in Canada.

The EPO concept, in the context of the new left, does not mean legitimate pressure group activity but rather the creation of counter or parallel institutions within society but opposed to it and to the electoral process.  Through such institutions the new left seeks to organize and radicalize the ‘underclasses’ of society and mould them into a revolutionary force capable of overthrowing the present socio-political system.

According to an article … which appeared in the November-December 1967 issue of      , people will not move against institutions of power until the legitimizing authority has been stripped away.  The radical EPO program of the left is, in short, a movement strategy predicated on a total and unequivocal rejection of representative democracy, its destruction and the creation of radical alternatives.

An integral part of this strategy is       in Toronto, which is under the control of two editorial members of       and a certain institution.  They are attempting, through a program of workers’ and community control, and in conjunction with organizations such as       in Montreal to implement the radical EPO program.              has, for example, penetrated and gained control of the Just Society, originally a legitimate citizens’ group, and is utilizing this organization as a radicalizing agent among the poor as well as a stepping stone into other legitimate welfare agencies such as the Toronto Metropolitan Social Planning Council and the United Appeal.  Through the Just Society … the recent poor people’s conference, was able to turn this conference into a sounding board for its radical EPO program and revolutionary propaganda.        has also been active in the sphere of industrial unions, such as the reform caucus of the Canadian Labor Congress, endeavoring to establish contacts who might be receptive to its concept of workers’ control.  There are indications that       , through contacts in government, was able to ensure that it received a recent federal grant of $68,000.

Of more concern, however, is the presence within certain government departments and agencies, particularly CHMC (Central Mortgage and Housing Corp.), of a small group of former campus revolutonaries. This group was led until recently by       of the Canadian Union of Students,      .

The short-term political objectives of      ‘s group include the organizing and radicalizing of sympathetic civil servants and getting them to support its long-term political program of socialist revolution.  These people are also involved in the dissemination of government information to other radical groups across the country.  For example, we have information to show that a member of the task force on youth has passed on information from the task force to a new leftist, who was a representative of       at the recent poor people’s conference.

Through a number of            ‘s group within the public service is small [sic], probably not in excess of 25, the picture presented is worrying, suggesting as it does a conscious attempt by various persons to use the knowledge and the influence gained by their employment with the federal government to further their own ends.  For this reason, I have attached a list of those we suspect of being engaged in or sympathetic to EPO activity in one way or another, with the recommendations that steps be taken to ensure that these people have been fully briefed as to their responsibilities for ensuring the security of government information and that their activities be watched with more than normal care.

“I have sent this same letter to our colleagues Mr. Pelletier, Mr. Munro, Mr. Lang, Mr. Marchand, and I will be discussing this matter with the prime minister in due course.”

(Mr. Oberle said his text was addressed to Robert Andras, new treasury board president, and signed by Mr. Goyer.)
 
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U of T Silent, While Activist Groups Burn

Category:  Historical Reprints.
Source:  “U of T Silent, While Activist Groups Burn”, unsigned editorial, The Varsity Toronto, Wednesday, January 13, 1971
Emphases added by Admin ACA.

 


U of T Silent, While Activist Groups Burn

Something is happening just outside the university campus, which the university cannot afford to ignore.

The night of December 18 there was a fire at ­373 Huron Street … in a U of T-owned building rented to a group of organizations working for social changes in Canada.  The groups included The Toronto Women’s Liberation Movement, the Metro Tenants’ Association, the Stop Spadina Save Our City Coordinating Committee, and the Praxis Research Institute.  Until recently, the Just Society movement, an association of poor people, also used the building.

With differing emphases, all these groups have been working to lay the basis for fundamental social changes which would put the real power in our society back in the hands of the Canadian people.

That means fighting to end the oppression of women, fighting to achieve cheap housing for Torontonians.  And fighting to stop the destruction of the city by deveopers and politicians with an eye only to profit and efficiency.

There is no evidence that the fire was an accidental one.  There is considerable evidence that it was the direct result of the atmosphere of repression and hysteria which groups and organizations — from the federal government in Ottawa down to the Toronto press and fanatic groups like our own home-grown Edmund Burke Society have been promoting.

The hostility with which the press treated last weekend’s Poor People’s Conference too, is a barometer of the attitudes irrational hysteria promotes.

There is evidence [ —- ] our front page report that the events at 373 Huron on December 18 were deliberately calculated to undermine the Poor People’s Conference held here last weekend.

There appears to be abundant circumstantial evidence to show that Telegram reporter Peter Worthington could be charged with incitement to arson (if there is such a charge) in the series of provocative and unsubstantiated attacks he has mounted on Praxis.

It was no surprise, for instance, to find Worthington, the weekend of Laporte’s murder, writing virulently that Canada’s campuses were hotbeds of violence and extremism which ought to be purged if social upheavals were to be avoided.

Worthington warmly endorsed the remarks of retired RCMP security and intelligence —– W. H. Kelly, that, without political purges in universities, the campuses could become “incubators of terrorism.”

The technique might [to] be quite familiar to us, if we have learned anything in the last couple of months.  The way in which federal politicians were able to raise the spectre of “insurrection” and of thousands of armed FLQ members, in order to crush a wide range of democratic community organizations in Quebec, provides a textbook example.

Peter Worthington took a page right out of Jean Drapeau’s book, when he mounted his campaign against Praxis just as the organization was beginning to oganize workshop-style conferences at which people could discuss how to begin to achieve their social aims.

The fire and looting of course, occurred the same day one of Worthington’s slanderous attacks appeared in print.

And let’s not forget Prime Minister Trudeau, who picked up on Kelly’s rhetoric when he suggested early last month that university campuses will have to be increasingly under police surveillance since the university is the place where “the instigators of violent dissent are going to find their natural milieus.”

In the first place, U of T plans to stand idly by while Praxis and the other groups attempt to survive this blow at both their physical survival and their viability as community organizing groups.

U of T, which owns 373 Huron, does not plan to restore it for use by its original occupants, or to help find alternate accommodation for its occupants.

The university’s callous stand on this issue is just another example of its traditional attitude to groups outside the parameters of the ivory tower.

Two summers ago, U of T tore down an outstanding second hand bookstore,  Volume One, at the corner of Harbord and Spadina — for parking space.

Last spring, U of T, in a situation almost parallel with the 373 Huron affair, refused to spend $2,000 on repairs to a cooperative daycare centre housed in a university building on Sussex Ave.  That error in judgement was corrected by a prolonged overnight visit of hundreds of students and faculty to Simeon Hall, where they threatened to remain unless the university agreed to help out the daycare centre.

But what is even more appalling is the apparent disinterest U of T President Claude Bissell has displayed in the whole atmosphere of repression infecting Canada.

He made no public statement on the suspension of civil liberties in October, and the subsequent crackdown on the people of Quebec.

A man of reason, and a leader of opinion in English Canada, Claude Bissell did not feel compelled to articulate any objections to the actions of the federal government in Quebec and of governments — like the B.C. and Quebec Governments for instance — which took the opportunity to impose strict political control on teachers and faculty.

Bissell’s incredible disinterest in these challenges to the independence of the university and to the Canadian traditions of freedom of thought and learning, is difficult to comprehend.

The university should be a place where free exchange of opinion can always take place.

But it should take place there especially if it attempts in an analytical way to examine the problems facing Canadians and begin to resolve them.

U ot T took a half-hearted step in that direction when it (or at least its faculty, students, and president) opposed the Spadina Expressway.

It is time now for U of T to come to the aid of the groups who have been terrorized out of their accommodation.

U of T should be standing solidly behind all of these groups — supporting them both in the public eye and in working for fundamental social change.

Concretely, this would mean providing physical facilities and helping them with their work — as an integral part of the university’s responsibilities.

It would also mean speaking out publicly to demand that the police move to protect such groups from right-wing harassment, and to support any legal charges Praxis, or others, might wish to lodge against Peter Worthington.

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