“It cannot be stressed too often that those who are going to make an effective contribution to the struggle against the Communist challenge, must always look beyond political labels, propaganda, smokescreens, and mere verbal battles to the reality behind them.”
– Eric D. Butler, in the segment “Must Look Beyond Labels” in The Fabian Socialist Contribution to the Communist Advance
The saddest moment of the night involved a one-time hero to Canadian anticommunists. In his dotage, huge and magnificent in his dark blue suit, stood the man from Prince Albert, John Diefenbaker. His presence hurt and angered us. Perhaps, he was involved in some private attempt to wring concessions from the Russians for those behind the Iron Curtain. We cannot judge him, but we let him hear our vocal disapproval. He smiled and waved to us in a friendly way. An enigma — it’s hard to know what to make of his behaviour.
– “Demonstration: Ottawa November 7” in Straight Talk!, Volume II Number 3, December 1969: Account of the first public protest launched by the Edmund Burke Society on November Seventh, 1969, against the celebration of the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution at the Soviet Embassy in Ottawa. The description is of Diefenbaker arriving for the celebrations.
“Khrushchev clearly had this in mind when in his historic report to the 20th Communist Congress in Moscow, February 14, 1956, he raised the question of whether it is possible to go over to socialism by using parliamentary means.”
– Eric D. Butler, Melbourne, February, 1964, Introduction to The Fabian Socialist Contribution to the Communist Advance
« Ce que révèle ainsi l’expérience des années 60, c’est que sans les instruments nécessaires, un Plan ne sera jamais autre chose qu’une étude plus ou moins adéquate, plus ou moins bien présentée, mais rigoureusement platonique. Or, les instruments qui manquent sont ceux-là même qui découlent de la souveraineté. Tant que le Québec ne sera pas indépendant, tant qu’il ne disposera pas de tous les moyens fiscaux, législatifs et incitatifs d’un État souverain, c’est au mieux l’expression d’une grande candeur, au pire une façon peu coûteuse de neutraliser un désir croissant de participation, que d’agiter l’étendard de la planification. »
– Quand nous serons vraiment chez nous (1972), manifeste du Parti Québécois pour un État indépendant et Communiste du Québec. Page 103. L’objet de « l’indépendance nationale » pour le Québec dans le programme du Parti Communiste du Canada n’est pas par conséquent de supprimer les alléguées « inégalités nationales souffertes par les Canadiens-français » au sein du Canada, mais d’arracher les pouvoirs souverains du Canada afin de construire un état communiste et un Plan communiste. Télécharger le manifeste du PQ.
“… in my experiences in the Communist movement I have often noticed the utter and callous disregard of the Communist leaders toward the rank and file. I have noticed that not only in Canada, but in European countries.”
– Testimony of Patrick Walsh to the United States House of Representatives Subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities, Albany, N.Y., 13 July 1953
“The avowed ambition of Lenin is to create civil warfare throughout Europe. Every speech of Lenin’s is a denunciation of constitutional methods, and a glorification of the doctrine of physical force. With that object in view he is destroying systematically both by executions and by deliberate starvation every form of opposition to Bolshevism. This system of “terror” is aimed chiefly at the Liberals and non-Bolshevik Socialists, whom Lenin regards as his most dangerous opponents.”
– R.H.B. Lockhart (British consulate general?), paragraph 9 of a letter to Sir George Clerk dated 10 November 1918 calling the attention of “Mr. Balfour” to certain points. Collected in A Collection of Reports on Bolshevism in Russia, Russia. No. 1 (1919). Presented to Parliament by Command Majesty. April 1919.
“The French Minister of Cultural Affairs, André Malraux, stunned this French Canadian city [Montreal] today with his allusion to Quebec’s nationalist movement. Raising his trembling voice, he proclaimed: “France needs you! We will build the next civilization together.”
… What surprised leaders of both the French-speaking and English-speaking communities of Montreal was the appeal to nationalist and separatist emotions contained in Mr. Malraux’s speech, and the address by Mayor Drapeau, which was similar in tone.
André Malraux is a member of the government of Charles de Gaulle, who as you will recall succeeded in separating a province of France — Algeria — from the rest of France, and giving it to the Communists.
– Alan Stang, citing from the New York Times (October 11, 1963), p. 2., in It’s Very Simple: The True Story Of Civil Rights by Alan Stang, Chapter Two: The War Of National Liberation
“Soviet wooing of Canada away from her historical allies and friends, and particularly away from the United States, which is the only major obstacle in the Kremlin’s path, is an integral part of the latest “peaceful coexistence” version of the old divide and conquer strategy.
The immorality of Mr. Trudeau’s response to this stratagem is, or should be, self-evident, for it implies not just acquiescence in but approval of the crimes perpetrated by the Soviet regime against humanity. These crimes exceed by far the bestiality of the Nazi regime.”
– Lubor Zink, writing in Trudeaucracy, 1972, Toronto Sun Publishing Ltd., pages 91-92.
“We must assume that they (the totalitarian regimes) suit the Soviet and Chinese people well enough to keep the rulers in office by consent, whether expressed or implied.”
– Lubor J. Zink, writing in Trudeaucracy, 1972, Toronto Sun Publishing Ltd., p. 138, quoting Prime Minister Pierre Elliott Trudeau’s External Affairs Minister, Mitchell Sharp
In a speech he made in 1907 on the power of hate, Lenin said:
“The working (of our campaign) is calculated to provoke hatred, disgust, contempt (of our adversaries). The phrasing must be calculated not to convince but to destroy, not to correct the adversary’s mistake, but to annihilate and wipe him off the face of the earth …”
Since Lenin’s time this smear technique leading at first to character assassinations and eventually to physical liquidations of political opponents, has been used by all the totalitarians. In modified forms it has also been adopted by unscrupulous demagogues in the democratic countries.
– Lubor J. Zink, writing in Trudeaucracy, 1972, Toronto Sun Publishing Ltd., p. 134
Whether the new society Mr. Trudeau has always been after is labelled corporate state or socialism does not really matter. The differences between fascism and communism are negligible compared to the fundamental difference between any of the forms of regimented collectivism and democracy. Fascism and communism are in fact totalitarian twins. They are so alike that the best authorities on the subject (among them Solzhenitsyn) call communism “Red fascism” in their striving for descriptive precision.
– Lubor Zink, writing in Viva Chairman Pierre, 1977, Griffin Press Limited, Toronto, page 5
“Trudeau went to sign a ‘friendship protocol’ with the Kremlin butchers of millions of innocent people. (Solzhenitsyn’s estimate of the toll is 66 million.) To please Peking, he even declared an eccentric Canadian communist from Mao’s propaganda mausoleum our national hero.”
– Lubor Zink, writing in Viva Chairman Pierre, 1977, Griffin Press Limited, Toronto, page 26
“Two main obstacles hamper the beneficent work of the expert. One is the Sovereignty of Parliament, and the other is the Rule of Law.”
– The Rt. Hon. Lord Hewart of Bury, Lord Chief Justice of England, writing in The New Despotism, at point 5, of page 20. London, Ernest Benn Limited, 1929.
“The plan of world revolution, which has never been abandoned by Moscow for a moment, contemplates a purge in all countries as ruthless as any of the purges that have been carried out in any of the satellites of the Soviet or in Russia herself. In Toronto it is taught, as part of the campaign of ‘understanding’ Russia, that such purges are pardonable and proper if carried out by Communists against the ‘bourgeois.’ Innocent students are led to believe that the bourgeois — the term as understood by radicals means those who have private property interests are a criminal class which deserves to be exterminated.”
– The “other” Introduction, Patrick Walsh, Treason in the Civil Service, Patrick Walsh, date unknown.
“The pragmatic basis for a revised US response to ‘perestroika’ is the need to protect and preserve the American system from ‘restructuring’ preparatory to ‘convergence’ with the ‘reformed’ Soviet system, and to save the American people from the blood baths and re-education camps which such ‘convergence’ will eventually bring about, of which the West currently has no conception.”
–- Anatoly Golitsyn, The Perestroika Deception — The World’s Slide Towards the Second October Revolution (1995), at p. 209
“The war in Viet Nam has brought out the fact that secret war research is being carried out for the Pentagon in our universities. We believe that it is very important that all research projects be made public so that it will be possible to gather public opinion to protest the carrying out of projects that aid causes that are repulsive to humanity.”
— “Bourgeois Leftism in the Student Movement”, by Edward Goldenberg and Julus Grey, McGill Daily, Thursday, February 6, 1969, Page 5. (Get that? The American war against mass-murderer Communism is “repulsive to humanity”. Edward R. Goldenberg, like his father Hyman Carl Goldenberg, advised Prime Ministers of Canada. In 1995, Edward Goldenberg wrote Prime Minister Jean Chrétien’s acceptance speech anticipating a “Yes” in the 1995 Quebec referendum –which would hvae produced a Communist State of Quebec, and “negotiations” to dismantle Canada. Eddie’s father, Hyman Carl, was an advocate of world planning for world socialism.)
“More alarming still, these same agents helped organize the United States Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and sent to Moscow the names of the agents.”
— Patrick Walsh, delivering a paper entitled “The West’s Failure To Heed Espionage Reports” at the 1968 Annual Dinner And Seminar of the Australian League of Rights.
SOCIALISM, n. 1. a left-residing, authoritarian political-economic system (government) whereby the state owns the FRUITS of production (revenues generated by the means) by confiscating them in the form of excessive taxes and inflation (a hidden tax caused by over expanding a money supply based on fiat currency). 2. an ideology stressing the collective (group, society, planet) over the individual. 3. a system whereby citizens and business are dependent on government, welfare and subsidies.
— From the film by James Jaeger, Cultural Marxism.
COMMUNISM, n. 1. an economic system whereby the state (government) owns the MEANS of production (capital) as well as the fruits of production (products) and distributes such to a classless society, all of whom work for the state. 2. a far-left, authoritarian political-economic system (government) popularized by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels in their 1848 book, The Communist Manifesto. 3. Inspired by Marx and Engels, Vladimir Lenin founded the Bolshevik Party which became Communist Russia.
— From the film by James Jaeger, Cultural Marxism.
Dusty Vineberg was features editor at the McGill Daily from 1944-48 and later became a radio/television columnist and feature writer at the Montreal Star after getting her master’s from Columbia University School of Journalism. …. When the Daily became political in the mid 1960s, Vineberg thought it was “like a rag put out in Moscow.”
-– Dusty Vineberg, quoted in “Newspaper homecoming reunites generations of journalists”, by Irwin Block Special to The Senior Times, November 2011
The government issue was more turgid. They had been very disappointed that during the years of the Diefenbaker government, they had had no more recognition. No one had come round to hear their arguments that there had been a massive cover up within the senior Ottawa bureaucracy, organized as they saw it by Lester Pearson and Norman Robertson (clerk of the Privy Council during the spy uproar).
The Gouzenkos were convinced that several mandarins in the highest positions in the land were being protected by the ban against revealing all the documentation Igor had brought to the government and the subsequent proceedings of the Taschereau inquiry.
– Douglas Fisher, “Gouzenko Felt Cheated”, Toronto Sun, June 14th, 1970.
“Canada is completely in the hands of the Fabians,” says the M.P.. “Stanfield, who is supposed to be a Conservative, is also a Fabian.”
“How possible is it that Canada will fall?” I asked.
The Member leaned toward me, his voice a combination of bitterness and surprise.
“She’s already fallen,” the Member said.
– Alan Stang writing in CANADA How The Communists Took Control, American Opinion, April 1971.
“– for a number of years I have had no illusions on what communism is. I was led to believe that it was something which I found out subsequently was very contrary to the idealism that I had attached to the idea; and when I woke up, so to speak, and when I finally realized to what extent that such things as treason and sabotage and murder and assassination were part and parcel of the Communist doctrine and practice, I decided to break away from the Communists …”
— Testimony of Patrick Walsh to the United States House of Representatives Subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities, Albany, N.Y., 13 July 1953
“What is revealed by this experiment of the Sixties, is that without the necessary instruments, a Plan will never be anything but a more or less inadequate study, presented more or less well, but rigorously platonic. The missing instruments are precisely those which result from sovereignty. As long as Quebec is not independent, as long as it does not possess all the fiscal, legislative and mobilizing powers of a Sovereign state, to wave the banner of planning is at best the expression of a great lack of guile, or at worst, a fairly cheap way to neutralize a growing desire for participation.”
— 1972 manifesto of the Parti Québécois for an independent Communist State of Quebec. Exclusive English translation of Quand nous serons vraiment chez nous. Page 103. The object of “national independence” for Quebec in the platform of the Communist Party of Canada, is therefore not the alleged “national inequalities suffered by the French Canadian people” of Canada, but a power-grab by the Communists to construct a Communist State of Quebec and a Communist Plan.
“The program of the Communist Party demanded an end to the national inequalities suffered by the French Canadian people, but did not spell out the full program of national self-determination. It required the mass upsurge of the French Canadian people to produce the realization that in French Canada there existed not only grievances against national inequalities but potentially, and now actively, a mass demand for complete self-determination. This demand is now at the center of the Communist Party’s position.”
– Leslie Morris, “National and Democratic Revolution in French Canada,” World Marxist Review, vol. 7, no. 9 (September 1964), p. 20, quoted in Chapter III of Alan Stang, It’s Very Simple: The True Story Of Civil Rights (1964).
Answering a CBC reporter’s question about the fishing dispute with the Soviets, Prime Minister Trudeau referred to his talk about it in Helsinki with “Comrade Brezhnev.” A Freudian slip?
(The official transcript of the answer the PM gave at his Ottawa press conference on 7 August 1975 reads: “I don’t have the exact date, but certainly the action that I urged upon Comrade Brezhnev has been followed up immediately.”)
–- Lubor Zink, writing in Viva Chairman Pierre, 1977, Griffin Press Limited, Toronto, page 24