Book I – The Leftist Infiltration in French Canada
Exclusive English Translation
By Kathleen Moore
All Rights Reserved © 2013, 2014 Tous droits réservés
Nota bene : I hold the copyright to my English translation of Rumilly. My English translation of any part of the works of Robert Rumilly may not be reproduced online, in print or by any means, other than for brief passages referenced in the course of discussion or blogging.
Please take note that wherever I have translated Rumilly’s own book, its covers and frontispiece, and I say, for example, “Published by the author” and give “Lazard Street”, etc., that is my translation of Rumilly’s own first publication details, which refers to himself and his own address in 1956.
The page-numbering in my English corresponds to the original page-numbering and page-breaks in French.
PART OF ANOTHER CHAPTER:
THE NETWORK IN OPERATION
L’Action Nationale Besieged —
Bagging the A.C.J.C. —
A University in the University —
The Confederation of Political Workers of Canada
In the special issue of Esprit devoted to French Canada and written by French Canadians, Jean-Marc Léger wrote: “It also increasingly seems that the great hope of French Canada now resides in the encounter and the concurrence of these two trends, of those young people who gravitate around Le Devoir and L’Action Nationale, and around Cité Libre. It is only from this accord, only from this collaboration, only from the merger even of the two groups, that the indispensable synthesis can be born.”
L’Action Nationale Besieged
Jean-Marc Léger left the intention of the leftist group to highjack L’Action Nationale to inference.
Translator’s note: Alan Stang in 1971 would call it “The Ring in Operation”, and frankly, so would I. But I’m trying to adopt Mr. Rumilly’s language and his style at the time, and I suspect he would have preferred to say “network” in English.
Generally, our young leftists conceived the idea of taking over from the inside a collection of groups or organizations nationalist in tendency. With Le Devoir, they already possessed a newspaper, nationalist in tradition. Jean-Marc Léger seemed to be the lynchpin of the “Action Nationale” operation. André Laurendeau largely facilitated his job for him. Initially, it was thought to await the death of Canon Groulx, whose in fluence remained dominating. Then they would storm in and take over. A significant number of directors of L’Action Nationale rarely if ever attended the meetings. I could name one director capable of blocking the leftist takeover, to whom meeting notices — through oversight, no doubt! — were not always sent. Lastly, meetings were often held at André Laurendeau’s house, which added weight to this director, the host of his colleagues. In short, they would bring in young directors from the Cité Libre group, a number of whom had no claim to be there — no claim but their leftism. In the end, the leftists would be the most persevering and active at meetings, if not the most numerous in theoretical strength.
L’Action Nationale was for all intents hijacked.
André Laurendeau managed the monthly review which was the group’s mouthpiece. He welcomed to its pages the prose of his leftist colleagues, who shamelessly expressed their theories and attacked the adversaries of leftism in a review founded for an entirely
Translator’s note. André Laurendeau is an extremely important name, which Rumilly in 1956 has allowed us to add to the list provided by Allan Stang in 1971. André Laurendeau is so far Left that during the so-called “Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism” on which he sits (a sham commission stuffed with Reds hidden in plain view behind one Catholic priest chosen just for that effect), Laurendeau is hosting in his home basement none other than two “former” men of Cité Libre, Pierre Vallières and Charles Gagnon, who will imminently become the well known leaders of the F.L.Q. terrorists. The two are launching an ultra-radical Marxist sheet in Laurendeau’s basement, to which Laurendeau’s son and a couple of La Presse newspaper journalists under pseudonyms will contribute articles. Laurendeau is an Editor of Le Devoir ; thus, we have two contaminated major Quebec daily newspapers at the time the FLQ terror is going on! Vallières and Gagnon both worked at Trudeau’s Cité Libre; in fact, they met there. Both men leave Cité Libre to lead the FLQ; my suspicion is that their mission was to re-orient the FLQ towards acceptance of René Lévesque’s plan for Canada, “Sovereignty Association”, which is not Quebec “sovereignty”, but is actually the intended basis of regional union, the North American Union. In any event, the far-left Laurendeau is fraternizing with “future” terrorist leaders while sitting on a sham “royal commission” appointed by none other than soviet spy and de facto Prime Minister Lester Bowles Pearson. There is thus a direct channel open between Pearson and the “future” terrorist leaders, through the royal commission. Which is not to say it’s the only channel; but merely to illustrate the level of Communist contamination of Canada’s federal level at the time that ‘terrorism” was loose in Quebec, seeking “secession”. It suggests that Lester Pearson and the leftists were in a position to orchestrate “designer” terrorism to suit their own political objectives.
different purpose — to defend the rights of the French Canadians. When Father Braun denounced Pierre-Elliott Trudeau, after his voyages behind the iron curtain, André Laurendeau precipitated the Action Nationale to the rescue of Trudeau. Two articles were devoted to this task. Two articles impassioned in tone. But, let’s not discuss the respective texts of Trudeau and Father Braun. Let us only note that Trudeau did not publish his articles in the Action Nationale and is not a member of the National Action League.
Where is the very pressing need for the Action Nationale to rush to his defense ? The reader will pardon me for taking myself as an example, but I believe this is valid: if I were at odds, or if any other Canadian who shared my opinions was at odds with Father Braun or with any other adversary, would André Laurendeau mobilize the Action Nationale for our defense, even if we were right, ten times over? Even though we, my friends and I, are, in contrast, faithful to the nationalist tradition that the Action Nationale has for so long defended, in fact personified!
Trudeau had just published in the last issue of Cité Libre an article whose Marxist inspiration and anti-French-Canadian tendency were apparent to the naked eye. Has not the Action Nationale launched itself out of its traditional path -– on a very divergent route from its traditional path? Let us say it: the directors of the review committed a breach of trust with respect to the other
members of the National Action League, whose name appears — like a guarantor — on the cover of the review and who, though given no notice, appeared to endorse their gesture.
The situation is even more grave when one touches on principles, as if Jean-Marc Léger has none. Jean-Marc Léger in the Action Nationale expresses the hope to see emerging “a socialist State of Quebec”, even if, to attain it, it is necessary to run up “against the combined forces of cowardice, playing at politics, clericalism and treason, with the forces of darkness acting under the banner of prudence and realism”.
Fernand Dansereau justifies class consciousness, in short, he recommends class struggle.
He glorifies a march on Quebec organized by the trade union federations, as “a net appeal to class consciousness”. “For the first time,” he says, elated, “in the history of the province, a crowd composed only of workers took to the street contrary to the liking of police”.
Athanase Fréchette and Anatole Vanier, members of the Action Nationale, protest in vain to their colleagues (at the end of May, 1954). The leftist clan shoves Jean-Marc Léger into the League secretariat. With Jean-Marc Léger in the secretariat and Laurendeau in the review, the clan is the master of the Action Nationale, even if they do not account for the majority of its members. And they use it. By the indelicacy of this team, directors continue to seem to be united behind articles and campaigns of which they do not approve. Léopold Richer, director of
/ translation ends here